Poland's Corrupt Ruling Elite

PB: Ziemkiewicz pretends there is no Judeocentric cause of Polish misery: Revisionism, Role-reversal and Restitutions: The Polish – Jewish Case. But I agree, if it was not for the Sabbat-Goyim attitute of some of the Polish “elites” over the centuries, going back to king Casimir the Graet (Kazimierz Wielki) who gave Jews privilegdges, the Polish nation would be better off today. Ask the Americans.
Review of Mysli Nowoczesnego Endeka, by Rafal A. Ziemkiewicz. 2012. Fabryka Slow, Lublin
Reviewer: Mr. Jan Peczkis
Implications of the Corrupt Post-Communist Elite Ruling Poland, Which Follows a Colonial Creole/Native and Serf Mentality
THOUGHTS OF A MODERN-THINKING ENDEK is the title of this Polish-language book. It had been a bestseller in Poland. The title alludes to Roman Dmowski’s THOUGHTS OF A MODERN THINKING POLE. (see the Peczkis review on Amazon). When Dmowski had written his work, many Poles had become convinced that a Pole should, least of all, be a Pole. (p. 61, 64; a notion very much promulgated today: p. 62). The essence of Dmowski’s thinking, revived by Ziemkiewicz, is the fact that the Pole has a fundamental duty to Poland, and not only to his own private interests or to someone else’s concept of what he should be. (p. 76).
However, the analogy with the Endeks should not be taken too far. Ziemkiewicz disagrees with the modern Polish right on many issues (e.g., pp. 190-on). He also rejects the suggestion that the conduct of Polish policy-makers represents an intentional attempt to ruin Poland. (p. 102).
Poland’s post-Communist government would have us believe–and backed by oft-repeated propaganda–that Poland has been very successful. Ziemkiewicz shows that Poland has actually regressed in many ways. For instance, Poland’s economic productivity is very low. (pp. 7-8). Out of 132 surveyed countries, Poland’s railways rate 75th, while her roadways and highways rank an abysmal 125th place. (p. 20). This, of course, discourages foreign investment. Poland’s businesses and economy are hampered by bureaucratic absurdities, unsound policies, hyper-regulation of the “free” market, etc. (p. 14). Most of all, thanks to the post-Communist elitists, Poland is afflicted by a culture of corruption. The world-class rating agency, Ernst&Young (EY), has reckoned corruption in Poland as worse than that of many African and South American nations. (p. 26).
In addition, Poland’s post-Communist government is characterized by elitism. Its members look down on the Polish population as “dark” and “unenlightened.” (pp. 45-on). Although Ziemkiewicz is no fan of RADIO MARYJA, he chides the elitists for their snobbish insinuation that Poland will never become “fully European” as long as there are listeners to RADIO MARYJA, and that its listeners will thankfully die out like dinosaurs. (p. 48, 53)
Poland’s post-Communist ruling elite find their power and privilege threatened by Polish patriotism. It is for this reason that they defame Poland’s history (pp. 65-on) and smear Polish patriotism as a form of reaction, obscurantism, chauvinism, xenophobia, and whatnot (p. 46), or–at best–an outdated concept. In addition, they try to redefine the term. During Communist rule, the elitists tried to redefine patriotism as a “struggle for socialism”. (p. 77). Today’s post-Communist elite, and GAZETA WYBORCZA types, try to “modernize” and redefine Polish patriotism as a fight against “national chauvinism”, and support for the European Union. (p. 78).
The reality is quite different. Nations still very much exist. To those Poles who accept the premise that nations are obsolete, and the EU (European Union) is what Poles should aspire to, he asks if they REALLY believe that France and Germany would sacrifice their interests for the benefit of Poland. (p. 80).
Although the author seldom uses the term lustration (LUSTRACJA)(p. 141), he discusses it. “What does it matter to me if the Communists are punished for their crimes?” many Poles ask. Ziemkiewicz turns this question around, “Does it matter to you that there is no accountability?” To those who say that it does not matter, Ziemkiewicz shows that they are very wrong. He points out that Communism, initially imposed by the Soviet Union, created a large ruling and thieving mafia. This mafia continues to act and rule with lawless abandon because it never was made accountable in the first place. (p. 75).
The author finds very limited analogy between de-Communization in Poland and de-Nazification in post-WWII Germany. To be sure, only a small number of Nazi war criminals were ever punished, and many German officials from the Nazi era remained in influential positions for decades after the war. However, these individuals generally had to hide their pasts, or be ashamed of it. (p. 96). Such was not the case with Poland’s Communists after 1989, in the wake of the Round Table agreements. (pp. 106-on). Deals were struck. Poland became a post-colonial nation, but essentially the same elite retained much of their privileges and their immunity from justice. Poland’s new “capitalism” was based more on political favor than sound economic principles. (pp. 118-119).
Ziemkiewicz traces the history of all these developments. (pp. 154-on, 160). The Germans and the Soviets had destroyed much of Poland’s intelligentsia, culture, etc., and enslaved Poland for over half a century. Going back earlier, to the Partitions, Poland’s enemies had been defining Poles as a hopeless and incompetent people. The Poles internalized this Polonophobia. They lost faith in themselves and their capacity to better themselves. They developed a subservient mentality towards those who ruled over them, and became conditioned to accept anything from them, including a lack of economic standards and moral integrity. Poles began to internalize all the negative things said about them, and saw themselves as ones that need to apologize to everybody and otherwise to “earn the right” to be fully European.
The same situation informed the attitudes of the masses and the elitists. (pp. 143-on). The masses adopted a serf mentality, which featured a lack of concern for anything beyond their immediate personal needs. They tended to think what little work they could get away with, what they could get from someone else, etc. The Polish elitists, on the other hand, developed the “colonial sergeant” syndrome. (pp. 144-on). They proudly saw themselves as the “bearers of civilization” of the colonial powers ruling over Poland. They looked down on the Polish masses as primitives and savages, and treated them harshly. During the post-Communist post-colonial era, this elitism included the “Michnik disease”. (see the detailed English-language Peczkis review of Michnikowszczyzna: Zapis Choroby (Polish Edition)).
Ziemkiewicz uses another colonial analogy for this situation. The post-Communist elitists are the Creoles, and the commonly patriotic and Catholic masses are the self-evidently backward natives. (p. 157).
The Jedwabne affair exemplifies the condescending attitude of the post-Communist elite towards the Polish masses, notably the peasants. (p. 175). The media trumpeted the accusations of Jan T. Gross as fact even before the investigation. The fact that a few Jew-murdering Poles could be found now meant that the Polish nation as a whole had to “come to terms with the past”, acknowledge this collective “Polish sin”, apologize to the world, etc. Predictably, nothing was said about any Communist criminals (e.g., the U. B., or Bezpieka) made accountable for their actions. (p. 176).
In the past, those who ruled over Poland would much rather face romantic revolutionaries than Endeks. The Endek nation-building program could elevate Poland, and threaten the rulers’ power and privileges. (p. 277-on). It is for the same reason that Poland’s post-Communist elite demonizes the Endeks and the Catholic Church.
Ziemkiewicz addresses some of these smears. There are many varieties of nationalism, and Endek nationalism was completely different from German nationalism. (p. 278). Endek policies against Jews had nothing to do with Nazi ones. The Endek program of developing a Polish middle class was made impossible and unnecessary as long as Jewish economic dominance existed. (p. 279). The ghetto benches and numerus clausus, though supposedly facilitated by Nazi policies against German Jews, were not animated by racial hatreds. They stemmed from the blockage of university opportunities to Polish peasants, and small-town people, by the large Jewish presence at Polish universities. (p. 280).

By piotrbein